Your SSN is just a click away on the world wide web and it was most likely put there by some stupid elected official. And your health information is next. Go to more news articles in our archives and see examples of records put online by courts and other state agencies. Yours could be online somewhere right now. Many state agencies across the country like New York, Colorado, and Pennsylvania have SSNs online today available to anyone, anywhere in the world.
This is no tin foil society, but quite real. Government, in the name of transparency, allows access to data of all sorts indiscriminately, from properties to court records. Within this is a gold mine of personal information, necessary for the purposes of internally maintaining identification information but definitely not the sort of stuff you would hand over to the folks running the omnipresent Nigerian lottery. And yet it's all there, neatly available.Putting aside our sheep-like willingness to provide personal information on demand to petty much anyone who asks, whether governmental or the nice young lady at the cash register of your local big box store, what this reflects is the difficulty of those entrusted with personal information of exercising reasonable judgment, and putting in the amount of effort, necessary to protect us. Thousand, if not millions, of records are dumped online so that politicians can claim transparency, but it takes a lot of manpower, not to mention a little bit of thought, to deal with it in a way that doesn't expose our information to anyone who cares to look."The unredacted SSNs on Virginia land records that Ostergren has posted online are integral to her message," Judge Allyson Duncan wrote in the unanimous opinion. "Indeed, they are her message. Displaying them proves Virginia's failure to safeguard private information and powerfully demonstrates why Virginia citizens should be concerned."
The court also agreed that the state cannot punish Ostergren for posting on her website the same public records that the government makes available online.
"Ms. Ostergren's most powerful advocacy weapon has been to demonstrate to the public how bad a job the government is doing to protect our online privacy rights," said Kent Willis, executive director of the ACLU of Virginia, which represented Ostergren. "The government responded, but by trying to silence Ms. Ostergren."
Caveat: It's been edited and put together. It's possible that material information is omitted. It's also possible that it portrays exactly what it claims to portray. Since this is offered for your viewing pleasure, and as another fine excuse to munch on something while you're awaiting your bar exam results or for the phone to ring, just chill out and be thankful that no one is warped enough to ask me to appear on a Hot Blawgers Calendar. Now enjoy.
Seriously, the theme music was really awful.
On the other hand, there is a second regime that has largely lost its moorings to the sentencing guidelines. This significant set of criminal cases includes those sentenced by judges who regularly impose sentences outside the applicable guideline range irrespective of offense type or nature of the offender. It also includes cases involving certain offense types for which the guidelines have lost the respect of a large number of judges. These offense types include some child pornography crimes and some fraud crimes, including certain frauds involving high loss amounts.
We are concerned by this evolution of federal sentencing into two separate regimes for several reasons. First, we think it leads to unwarranted sentencing disparities. More and more, we are receiving reports from our prosecutors that in many federal courts, a defendant's sentence will largely be determined by the judicial assignment of the case; i.e. which judge in the courthouse will conduct the sentencing. Scholarly studies are now beginning to reinforce these reports. This is extremely problematic. In our consideration of federal sentencing policy, we begin from the principle that offenders who commit similar offenses and have similar criminal histories should be sentenced similarly. This was the foundational principle of the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984. We are concerned that our sentencing system may be meeting this principle of sentencing reform less and less.
Uh oh. Sentences have "lost their moorings." Nautical theme alert. That's bad, as prosecutors and judges take nautical allusions very seriously. Not so much defendants, who rarely crewed at Choate or sailed at Seawanhaka Corinthian, but those who know a jib from a jab understand its seriousness.
Missing from this in-depth analysis, which stretches the fabric of sentencing from the government's loss valuation to the defendant's months in prison, is any mention of 18 U.S.C. §3553, the statutory sentencing factors. Might the disparity in sentencing be a product of the consideration of factors beyond the government's beloved formulaic approach? Might the government delve deep, deep into its soul to recognize that its loss valuation isn't the only consideration? Nah. Besides, the government has no soul.
The letter, sent to Sentencing Commission Chair, Chief Judge Jeff Sessions, fails to set forth what exactly the government is seeking, aside from his undivided attention. Are they saying that sentences are too low? Too high? Too disparate? Does the government really have to spell it out for Judge Sessions, because he might think that DOJ wants sentences of probation available for all crimes? You know, interest of justice and all that jazz?
Well, the New York Times apparently thinks that's indeed what the Department of Justice wants.
Sentencing for white-collar crimes — and for child pornography offenses — “has largely lost its moorings,” according to the Justice Department, which makes a strong case that the matter should be re-examined by the United States Sentencing Commission.
As a general principle, sentences for the same federal crimes should be consistent. As the Justice Department notes in its report, a sense of arbitrariness — sentences that depend on the luck of getting a certain judge — will “breed disrespect for the federal courts,” damaging their reputation and the deterrent effect of punishment.
The Justice Department is not explicitly recommending that sentences be lowered; in fact, the new financial regulatory law suggests higher sentences in some areas. But readjusting the guidelines downward in some cases is clearly one of the possible routes the sentencing commission could take.
It's not "explicit", but somebody on the New York Times' editorial board got the nod and wink. The DOJ says, Judge Sessions, take down that wall! Hooray, DOJ, tacit though your recognition that the sentences imposed are draconian may be. Huzzah!
So why am I not reading the Justice letter the same as the Times? I never crewed, but I know how to sail. I get the nautical allusion. I've had dinner at Seawanhaka, wearing a blue blazer with brass buttons. What am I missing?
Uniformity based on the formulaic measure of government imposed plea terms is beloved by those who don't want to think too hard. That every case presents its own considerations, ranging from the facts and circumstances of the offense to the situation of the defendant, and occasionally even a challenge to the government's vision of the harm caused, would mean that people who love statistics, easy answers, superficiality and committees would be unhappy. None of this fits easily into the paradigm, and it makes people look bad in Washington when forced to take more than 10 seconds to explain something.
It comes as no surprise that the DOJ pushes for a return to uniformity. It makes their life infinitely easier, and puts the power back into the government's hands. But that the New York Times supposes that the government's secret message to the sentencing guidelines commission is to loosen up, lighten up, lower the number, is, well, suspicious.
Does the Times know something about the DOJ that I don't? Or maybe the Times is stumbling around like a drunken sailor, three sheets to the wind, and seeing what it wants to see.
Judge James B. Zagel sent the jury home for the day after Blagojevich's attorney Sam Adam Jr. complained the judge was gutting his closing arguments by not allowing the defense to mention witnesses that prosecutors did not call.
Prosecutors had mentioned some of those witnesses, including convicted fundraiser Antoin "Tony" Rezko, in their closing argument, and Adam argued the defense should be able to do the same.
"Your honor, I have a man here that is fighting for his life," Adam said, turning red and raising his hands.
Zagel responded: "You will follow that order because if you don't follow that order you will be in contempt of court."
"I'm willing to go to jail on this," Adam shot back.
How many of you have the stones to say that to a judge? After all, it's so much easier to turn to your client and say, "but you heard the judge. He won't let me." Certainly your client, even if it happens to be someone as universally despised as Blago, would understand and forgive you for not putting your own butt on the line.
Yet, there's a problem. What the heck is Judge Zagel talking about? There are certainly a bundle of rights involved here, but they all belong to Blago. One of the premier rights is the right to present a defense. Included in that right is the ability to point out to a jury the failure of the prosecution's proof, which includes the absence of witnesses who the government might have called to support its contentions but didn't. The defendant's decision not to testify is a matter of right. There is no parallel right for witnesses, and certainly no similar right for the government to keep its witnesses failure to testify from the juror's delicate ears.
The government spoke about missing witnesses, yet the defense is precluded? Why would that be, Judge?
Zagel said he was giving Adam the night to rework his closing arguments, given his "profound misunderstanding of legal rules." He said Adam could designate another defense attorney to give the closing if he couldn't follow the rules.
A regular misunderstanding, apparently, gets you a slap in front of the jury. A "profound misunderstanding" gets you an extra day. Yet the judge neglects to mention what rules Adams profoundly misunderstands. This concerns me, since I profoundly misunderstand them as well.
The yeoman's reaction to a ruling like this is to protest, make a record, and move on. But Sam Adam is no mere yeoman. He knows that there will be no better chance to beat the case than here and now, before the jury. On appeal, everything flips over and all presumptions are against him. On appeal, the sensibilities of judge rule, while the understanding of real people are lost. No, one doesn't give away a critical part of the defense lightly.
But how, you wonder, can Sam Adam take the risk of being held in contempt for violating the court's ruling. Won't that interfere with his twitter use, his blogging, his social media availability? Why yes, it most assuredly will.
This is what it means to be a criminal defense lawyer, standing between a client and everyone else in the world. Not that you disobey a judge's order on a whim or lark, or even when you think the court is wrong. What it means is when your client is about to lose a fundamental right that he can never be recaptured, that is so egregiously harmful that there is no redress available, that the basic purpose of this exercise called law is about to be flushed down the toilet, you make the decision whether your personal comfort and convenience rises above your duty to your client. The times may be rarer than rare, but there are time when you take the hit for your client.
It's hard to say whether this is the time that Sam Adam Jr. should face Judge Zagel and say, "do what you've got to do, I'm going to defend my client." That's his call entirely. If he should decide to do so, given the court's ruling, it would hardly come as a shock.
But somewhere in your career as a criminal defense lawyer, you will be faced with the decision of whether to risk your freedom to do what's right. When that happens, make the choice that Sam Adam would make. All of them.
Contrary to my brethren who assert that cute and interesting twits are a fine basis for the construction of a referral network, I will never refer a matter to someone on the basis of their twits. I may like them very much, and enjoying twitting back and forth with them all day long, but they aren't getting a case from me based on twits alone. I would require far, far more to have the requisite faith to entrust them with a client.This isn't to say that someone isn't worthy, but that worthiness can't be discerned on the basis of twits. No matter how much I like you on twitter, it doesn't make you a good lawyer, just a good twitterer. If someone asks for a referral to a good twitterer in Des Moines, you're my guy. A good lawyer? Sorry, don't know anybody.
I wake up and cant believe whats happen . this has been going on now for 8 1/2 years i have no job i am broke i have nothing i am going to lose my home my parents pay for my bills but when you havnt been to a medical Doctor in 7 years or a dentist my teeth are rotting . I lost my medical insurance when i was fired from my job. my savings are gone.He wants people to know that he didn't do it. He never hurt anyone. He never would hurt anyone. He doesn't ask for any help in fixing his life, but only that someone knows why he took his life.
i cant form a relationship because who wants to be with a felon and a registered sex offender ?? I have lost friends i had . Now they changed how you have to register so you have to pay for a drivers license every year and on top of that they charged $75 a year just for the privilege of being a registered sex offender which they raised to $ 125 which i don't have the money to pay for i don't have any money because i was fired from my job and am now unemployable I live off my parents who can not afford it. my life is a pure hell. i am 10 years older now and unemployed. all my savings which i had saved for retirement is GONE! but i want people to know ...
Congress passed the misguided law two decades ago, when it was believed that crack — cocaine in baking soda — was more addictive and led to more violence than the powdered form of the drug. These myths were quickly debunked. But the country was stuck with a law under which a drug defendant found holding five ounces of crack received the same mandatory five-year prison term as one busted with 500 ounces of the chemically identical powdered form of the drug.
African-Americans make up a minority of crack users but account for about 80 percent of those convicted under the statute. The mandatory sentence has pushed drug policy in the wrong direction, imprisoning addicts who should have been sent to treatment programs.
I can't remember the last time a crack case came into my office. I suppose they are out there, but the plague passed long ago amongst my clientele. And Congress is first beginning to catch up to what was patently obvious a generation ago. It's rather odd that there is a question on whether to end the disparity. It's not like anybody is arguing to decriminalize crack, but rather punish it as severely as powdered cocaine. As if that's a gift.
The crack plague served its purpose. Many hopped on the war on drugs bandwagon, swapping freedom for safety from the hopped up masses of dark-skinned, drug-crazed crack addicts. To argue that the crack disparity should be brought to an end at this point seems almost ridiculous. It never should have happened, and the damage done by crack directly was nothing compared to the damage done by Congress' treatment of crack.
Yet marijuana remains on Schedule 1. Society has its newer plague, terrorism, to justify the continued adoration of safety over freedom. And only after the latest and greatest war on something sweeps the country will we step back and look at what we foolishly did in the name of fear.
Crack caused people to lose all reason. All of those people held seats in Congress. Should Senator Durbin's bill pass the House, it will end a vestige of criminal justice foolishness, but a generation too late. The foolishness otherwise continues unabated.
Update: The law passed the House. The 100 to 1 disparity is now reduced to 18 to 1, without retroactivity and maintaining the mandatory minimums (except for first time, small quantity possessors). Woo hoo, kinda.
"Sue Smith was so drunk and high on coke last night that she let all seven of those disgusting guys have their way with her in front of everyone. LOL!"Yeah, that's a hoot. Unless Sue Smith's employer happens to run across it as she's up for consideration for a new job, promotion, appointment. Sue would have done better to remain in control, but then again, is it necessary that this be her legacy?
Chandler criminal defense lawyer Matt Brown makes an astute observation. Listening to a loud-talking probation officer in her 20s interview a defendant, it became clear:
After the probation officer finished, she shuffled past me with a faint smile on her face. I caught a glimpse of the defendant in the visitation room. He was grizzled, with a glass eye and scars everywhere. He was rail thin and had a head of curly black hair. I looked back at the probation officer. She waited impatiently to get buzzed out of the jail hallway while fiddling with her ponytail.
The stupid questions and the stark contrast between the probation officer and the defendant made a strong impression. She shouldn’t be in a position to report on him. He’s experienced things that she can’t even fathom. I’d guarantee it.
The coddled class judges society's rejects.
I imagine the probation officer sitting in her office, surrounded by bric-a-brac as she types up a report about that man’s antisocial personality and escalating drug use. A judge will read what she writes and commit a fellow human being to state custody for a term of years. The judge may have struggled less in his or her life than the probation officer.
They grow up in lives of relative comfort and great expectations. They do well in school, come home to meals cooked by their mother and advice dispensed by a father wearing a cardigan, and attend the university where they read great literature and obtuse philosophers. Not too many know what it's like to go to bed hungry.
Bobby Frederick in South Carolina picks up Matt's theme, and takes it a step further.
The probation officer could just as easily be the man's defense lawyer, the prosecutor, or any other person that comes into contact with him in the system and participates in determining his fate. I imagine that many readers of this blog and Matt's may relate more to the probation officer in the story, and that many of those readers just don't get it. Also, it's an academic observation - the coddled among us are most often the ones who are privileged to attend universities, obtain degrees, and take positions of authority over the rest of us - that's not going to change.
We all of the coddled class. Defense lawyers, at least, have the opportunity to learn about a sphere of humanity that never had a chance to enjoy the wonderful opportunities we did, but that only helps if the lawyer has the metacognitive skills to see their relationship to others. Most see nothing but themselves.
Both Matt and Bobby are relatively new lawyers, yet they consistently demonstrate a depth of observation and understanding that shows that they have what it takes to be great criminal defense lawyers. No wasted energy on oozing self-absorbed compassion without substance, as the Slackoisie are wont to do, but purposeful insight that furthers their grasp of the criminal justice system.
Throughout their legal careers, they will be confronted with real life as filtered through the prism of the coddled. Judges, prosecutors, probation officers and yes, even defense lawyers, will recoil from the smell of a troubled life. We can't conceive of how some miscreant ended up lying in the street in a pool of his own vomit rather than sitting for the college boards. After all, they had the chance to go to school, just like us, but took the path toward a life of misery. They made the choice not to be like us, to someday wear a cardigan and lecture our daughters on dating etiquette.
The truth is that many don't have lives that resemble our own experiences in any way. We could parse it and point to bad choices, often by parents, cops, teachers and others who could have helped but instead became a guide down the road to perdition. But every junkie, mugger and dealer has a tale of his own. It's just not our tale. We have done so much better with our lives that we believe ourselves entitled to judge them. We did right. They did wrong. We win.
There are many people out there who have led lives of deprivation and misery. Many have made some very poor choices, taking an ugly existence and making it worse. Some are poorly educated. Some are dumb as dirt. Some are sociopathic and some are malevolent. Some are just sad and pathetic.
The coddled class judges them all harshly. They are unsalvageable, or if they can be saved, it's just not worth the effort or the risk that some of their stench will rub off on us. The coddled class looks in the mirror every day, making sure their hair looks attractive, before they pretend to help those less fortunate. It's not that they don't mean well, but that they share no understanding of the life of those they judge.
It's impressive that Matt and Bobby realize this, as so many don't even though they think that disconnected empathy makes them worthy of judging others.
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